On the night of the rail budget, Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata 
Banerjee had demanded railways minister Dinesh Trivedi’s ouster in a fax
 message sent to the prime minister. 
A few days after, a new crisis has arisen. What will now be the 
manner in which Trivedi will be asked to quit office? More exactly, who 
will ask him to leave?
If 
Trivedi can be made to lose his Cabinet berth without affecting his 
primary membership of the party, he has to obey party whip and 
discipline. In that case, even if he remains an MP he can do no harm. It
 comes as no surprise then that Trivedi is keenly aware of what is 
preventing Mamata from asking him to resign and is thus daring her to do
 so.
It is obvious that Mamata doesn’t want to give Trivedi any 
political space and that is the reason why she is relying on the Prime 
Minister to get rid of the railway minister. But, understandably, the 
Prime Minister is hesitant. Congress sources argue that Dinesh Trivedi 
did, after all, present this government’s rail budget after due 
consultation with the finance minister, Pranab Mukherjee. 
That 
budget carries the stamp of approval of the Manmohan Singh government. 
Trivedi cannot be punished for doing the right thing. 
It is learnt 
that Pranab Mukherje, who is doing the talking with Mamata Banerjee on 
the UPA government’s behalf, has already told her more than once that 
Trivedi would have to be allowed to remain in office till the budget 
session goes into recess on March 30. 
 
According to highly placed Congress 
sources, prime minister Manmohan Singh is reluctant to ask for Trivedi’s
 resignation. He wants Trivedi’s party boss, Mamata Banerjee, to perform
 the unpleasant task and direct the railway minister to demit office. 
Trivedi
 — unlike A Raja — has, after all, not come under a cloud of suspicion 
for any alleged wrongdoing. And it looks ethically unpleasant for the 
prime minister to throw a colleague out simply because of “unfair” 
coalition demands. What has also aggravated matters is Singh’s firm 
opposition to the elevation of Mukul Roy as a Cabinet minister. 
In
 fact, Manmohan Singh’s reservations about inducting Mukul Roy into the 
highest echelons of the government are so strong that the government is 
checking Roy’s antecedents extremely carefully. 
Apparently, the 
prime minister’s dislike for Mukul Roy dates back to almost a year ago 
when he attended a Cabinet meeting as minister of state for railways, 
soon after Mamata Banerjee was sworn in as West Bengal chief minister. 
At that meeting, Singh had asked him about his vision for the railways 
and Mukul Roy hadn’t been able to say anything in response. Roy had also
 angered the PM when he refused to visit an accident site despite being 
asked to do so by the PM’s office.
For now, however, the PM has on
 his hands the unenviable task of axing his present railways minister. 
Sources say that Mamata is adamant that Singh take upon himself the 
responsibility of dropping Trivedi because, according to her, “a 
minister’s continuance in office is decided by none other than the prime
 minister”. 
The real reason, though, for Mamata Banerjee not 
directing Trivedi to leave office is because she is afraid that evicting
 a defiant railway minister might snowball into her throwing him out 
from the party, in which case Trivedi would survive as an MP for the 
remaining two years of the Lok Sabha term without having to obey the 
party whip. He would enjoy the luxury of conducting himself as an 
unattached MP. 
According to existing laws, an MP continues to 
remain an MP even if she or he is thrown out by the party. They retain 
their right to behave according to their own free will and thereby 
embarrass their former political bosses if they so choose. 
Even if Mamata is insisting
 on an earlier date of removal, Mukherjee has been asked by the 
government to convince the Trinamool chief that she should allow Trivedi
 to continue in office till the end of this month. 
Of course, the government knows that they cannot go on protecting Trivedi for long and that he would have to bow out of office. 
The
 government does know that it will inevitably have to surrender to 
coalition compulsions but this impasse shows that the relationship 
between Congress and the TMC has officially turned into one of mutual 
suspicion and has now started bordering on paranoia. 
Even if this
 crisis finally blows over, such a degree of hostility between allies 
doesn’t augur well for the health and longevity of the coalition.